RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SURFACE WATER, GROUND WATER AND SETTLEMENT

The city of Ahmedabad situates itself in the gently undulating plains of North Gujarat. In this semi-arid landscape, water is of paramount importance and its collection, preservation and use deeply influences the patterns of human settlement. From the smallest village to the largest city, one can see a consistent pattern in the relationship between where water gets collected in the depressions of the land, forming small lakes and ponds called ‘talavadi’, and the higher ground or mound (‘tekro’) which is inhabited by settlements. This relationship between the shape of the land and the settlement often affects the organisation and the character of the built form. Generally, a temple marking the center of the settlement occupies the highest point of the mound and the streets follow the pattern of water flow as it drains away from this high ground into the surrounding agricultural areas that support the settlement. These manmade lines connect with the natural flow to mark

Typically, the ‘talavadi’ that is adjacent to the settlement is located outside it for reasons of health and hygiene. This domain of stagnant surface water is often associated with deities, gods and goddesses that are symbolically kept outside the settlement, and the cremation areas are placed on the edges of such water bodies. Though essential for agriculture, animal husbandry and rearing and human washing, this water is not seen appropriate for drinking.

Drinking water is almost always from a ground water source - a dug well, or in the cases documented here, a stepwell (‘vaav’). The position of the stepwell is often between the settlement and the ‘talavadi’. In the present context, observations show that where the ‘talavadi’ still holds water, the well too is alive. However where the ‘talavadi’ has been filled in, or its sources blocked, the well too has dried out, suggesting a relationship between the surface water of the ‘talavadi’ and the ground water of the stepwell. One might conjecture that through ideas of purity and hygiene encoded in traditional social practices, it was ensured that surface water must percolate and be filtered by the earth before it’s seen to be fit for drinking. The ‘talavadi’ and the ‘vaav’ are both essential to the settlement and bind it to both the surface and the depth of the earth.

GENDER AND PATRONAGE

"It is now also come to light that many of the stepwells were built by women – queens, wives of affluent traders, ordinary women and servant girls. Not only did women commission stepwells as patrons, they also frequently served as an inspiration. Stepwells are often built in honor of a virtuous wife, a benevolent mother, a beloved mistress or a local goddess. The articulation and embellishment inside these structures are often expressive of this feminine character creating a delicate spatial filigree."

(Purnima Mehta­-Bhatt; Her Space, Her Story)

For many cultures around the world, the earth is feminine. The dark, deep, cave-like realm of the underground and the crop-rich abundance of its surface are some of its recurrent symbolic aspects. In a semi-arid landscape, there is a strong, literal and symbolic association of water with fertility and fertility with abundance. Structures constructed for water embody this latent femininity, none more so than the well and the stepwell. The gift of water for public use was considered to be one of the greatest acts of charity and brought great merit to the patron. Many of these stepwells were commissioned by women such as the Rudabai ni Vaav At Adalaj on the outskirts of Ahmedabad and the Bai Harir ni Vaav, which is situated in the Asarva area of Ahmedabad. However, it was the real everyday routines and rituals that linked women directly to the stepwell. Their daily fetching of water, washing and cleaning is a common sight even today in many villages of this region. We can imagine that it was at the stepwells where women could socialise freely away from the gaze of men in the village squares ('chowk') or the the royal court (‘darbar'). This is where they would talk and gossip, exchange household stories, engage in politics and seek the companionship of other women. They provided a socially legitimate opportunity for women to move out of the domestic realm into the public domain at a time when this possibility was denied to women for the larger part.

Even today, stepwells are often referred to as "women's spaces". In many of the stepwells, today shrines have sprung up or in other cases the stepwells have been converted into temples. All these shrines and temples are invariably dedicated to some incarnation of the Mother Goddess, referred to as "Maata" in Gujarati. A few of these Goddesses are at the heart of a cult exclusive to women. In villages and the countryside, this cult continues to flourish even today. These local goddesses are worshiped and their blessings invoked by women for protection, health and well being.

INHABITATION AND THE LIVING BUILDING

The present day condition of the sixteen stepwells documented in Ahmedabad vary greatly. The best-known stepwells, such as Rudabai’ stepwell at Adalaj and Bai Harir’ stepwell at Asarva are maintained as heritage structures by government agencies and attract a large amount of tourist interest.

Others however, are used in a different way. The Mata Bhavani stepwell at Asarva now has a community dwelling around it. A Mata (Goddess) deity has been installed and the stepwell now functions as a temple for the surrounding communities. Small shrines have been added and minor alterations made in the service of this function.

In the Ashapura maata ni Vaav, the first pavilion has been converted into a shrine dedicated to the Goddess Ashapura and the informal settlement has grown along the edge of the stepwell on the either side.

On the other hand, at the Gandharva Vaav in Saraspur, substantial changes made with the well shaft having been filled in and a slab covering it. The remaining structure is used as a small Goddess Kali shrine.

At the Ambe Mata ni Vaav, Malav Talaav, the original levels have been flattened with almost no trace of the original structure. The insides are profusely decorated with mirror and tile work.

In all these cases, the inhabitation of the buildings by the immediate community has ensured that these structures still find themselves as active spaces within the urban fabric. The buildings belong to the temple trust. This raises questions about the abstract manner in which the idea of ‘heritage’ is constructed and discussed, its emphasis on the notion of ‘original’ form and use of buildings and the more difficult question of, ‘Whose heritage is it?’

Apart from these inhabited buildings, the wells that were documented were the ones at Bhadaj, Doshiwada ni Pol and the Khodiyar Mata vav at Vasna. They are unused, dilapidated and uncared for.

HERITAGE

Historical events or processes with a special meaning to a group of people constitute heritage. In many contexts, both meaning and the group have largely been stable, consistent and seen to be unchanging. In the Indian contexts however, there is a dynamic relationship between social groups and their place.

Meaning is more fluid in time, resulting in shifting notions of identity and belonging. Often, the ideas of ‘heritage’ are abstract, one learns as an initiation in order to be part of a social group. We are schooled to consider structures like step wells to be our heritage. This heritage is necessarily controlled and maintained by institutionalized public processes. In this system, the greatest efforts are made to maintain, restore and preserve the building in keeping with the idea of their ‘original’ condition. The inhabited stepwells of Ahmedabad throw up another

model for the manner in which ‘heritage’ is engaged with. These structures are not kept in their ‘original’ condition. They are occupied, used, and altered to be integrated into the daily lives and routines of people. The people for whom these structures have meaning are participators. They are constantly engaged in the rituals that tie these building to a larger social context. It is their inhabitation that makes these buildings ‘theirs’.

Project team:

• An intiative of Anthill Design
• Curation Team: Karan Gajjar, Malay Doshi, Neel Jain, Priyanka Sheth, Riyaz Tayyibji ,Tanvi Jain
• Advisor: Bhavna Ramrakhiani
• Research: Bhavin Shukla, Priyanka Sheth Photos : Karan Gajjar, Malay Doshi
• Design And Execution: Karan Gajjar, Neel Jain, Shalin Bhatt
• Documentation And Drawings: Aashini Sheth, Devashree Dwivedi, Juneza Niyazi, Niyanta Shah, Priyanka Sheth, Purva Bhende, Rony Payuva, Tanvi Jain, Vignesh Raja
• Context Illustrations: Leeza John, Madhu Malukani, Rutvi Patel, Tanvi Jain
• Graphics: Karan Gajjar, Malay Doshi, Neel Jain, Priyanka Sheth, Tanvi Jain
• Film: Chrysalis Communications, Priyanka Sheth
• Construction: Jayesh Mistry Maneklal Panchal Sudhir Sharma

References

• Hegewald, Julia. Water Architecture in South Asia - A study of types, development and meaning. Brill , 2002.
• Jain-Neubauer, Jutta. The Stepwells of Gujarat: In Art-historical Perspective. Abhinav Publications, 1981.
• Livingston, Morna. Steps to Water : The ancient stepwells of India . New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2002.
• Mehta-Bhatt, Purnima. Her Space, Her Story . Zubaan.

— Riyaz Tayyibji, May, 2016